The Drake Letters
Introduction by Megan Stevens
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I graduated with an MA in History from Monash University, Melbourne in 2001. In part fulfilment of this degree, I completed a thesis, entitled Civilians at War: William Henry Drake and the Commissariat in the Crimean War, largely based on original letters written by Drake and his wife, Louisa, during the Crimean War. I also used a transcript of the Journal Drake kept during his time in the Crimea and after. 1
I have always felt that these letters should be made available to those who study the history of the Crimean War, as they provide a unique perspective on the conduct of the war from the viewpoint of a Commissariat officer. I have toyed with the idea of trying to find a publisher, but wondered why any publisher would wish to publish such a large collection of letters, the subject matter of which has such a small audience, especially in this era of ebooks. That is why, having done all this work, I have decided to publish them myself.
I am including with the Drake letters, some ancillary documents, such as newspaper articles surrounding some of the events that occurred during the Crimean war, as well as the evidence Drake gave before the McNeill/Tulloch commission, and the Strathnairn committee of enquiry. These, I feel, provide context for the letters and will assist readers interpret and appreciate the letters.
I am including here the introduction to my thesis as written in 2000, as this explains my motivations behind my research and this publication (I am also including my conclusions as written in 2000, at the end of this publication):
“Why?” was often the first question people asked, when told that I was researching the British Commissariat's role in the Crimean War. Part of the reason stemmed froman interest in family history, and from being a migrant in Australia. Lucy Frost explains it best. She says migrant women often suffer “peculiarpsychological effects” from growing up “on one side of the globe” before moving to a “strange environment tens of thousands of miles away from 'home'.” This move, she suggests, seems to cut one's life into two, “as though one were a fictional character who had got oneself into two different novels”. She argues that humans have a “desire for unity, for an integrated personality” and that this desire “makes a woman yearn to merge the two novels into a single continuous narrative”. As a migrant herself, she concluded that this unity could not be achieved. 2
As a fellow migrant, I understand this yearning to merge my two lives into one. The subject of my thesis, my great–great–great grandfather William Henry Drake, provided me with the means of doing so. When I arrived in Australia in 1981 I was not aware that ancestors of mine had been here before me, or that any of them had spent such a considerable time here. I found that Drake had arrived in Western Australia in 1831. His wife–to–be, Louisa Purkis, had arrived in 1830. 3 Henry and Louisa Drake eventually left Australian shores in 1850. 4 Finding out more about them and their lives (and that I am technically a sixth-generation Australian) made me feel more at home in my “strange environment”, knowing that I was walking in the footsteps of my ancestors. Contrary to Lucy Frost's views, I believe that learning of their lives has given me unity in mine. For the purposes of this dissertation, it is important for me to establish clearly the link I have with Drake, and my motivation for writing his life. 5 Edel has suggested that biographers should be truthful, yet respectful, and should try to develop a measure of uninvolved understanding of their subjects. 6 I have therefore tried to be an impartial observer of Drake's life and actions, but it is up to others to judge whether I have succeeded in this. 7
I learnt of Drake's letters while visiting relatives in New Zealand in 1989. My [late] mother's cousin, Paul Taylor, 8 asked me to re–transcribe the originals of letters (of which there are 62 extant) written by Drake to his wife while he was stationed with the British Army in Greece, Bulgaria and the Crimea from 20 May 1854 until Louisa and their eldest daughter, Louisa Maria, joined him at Balaklava on 18 May 1855. 9 Louisa then wrote to her mother–in–law, Maria. There are 15 letters of hers extant for the period 7 December 1855 to 26 June 1856. Drake arrived at Balaklava on 26 September 1854, and remained in the Crimea until the end of the war. He departed on 19 June 1856. 10
I subsequently received a copy of a transcription of Drake's Journal through my late cousin, Lynne Bryer, who had obtained it from Brigadier A. C. F. Jackson, a grandson (still living) 11 of Drake by his second marriage to Elizabeth Lucy Wood. 12 The Journal covers the period 20 May 1854 to March 1867. Drake's [daily] entries for the Crimean period are fairly extensive, but tend to be aides–mémoire for his letters. It does, however, cover periods for which no letters survive. The transcription of Drake's Journal is not as accurate as it could be, with many names suffering many spellings in transcription, thereby making it difficult to have complete confidence in the text. I was, however, unable to gain access to the original of the Journal, 13 and therefore had to rely on what I had. I also received copies of transcriptions of other Drake letters written from the Crimea from Brigadier Jackson via Lynne. Other letters from different members of the family and periods in the family's life have also survived, some of which were transcribed by me from the originals.
I transcribed the originals of the Drake letters as they were, sometimes consulting previous, less complete, transcriptions as a guide. Some of the letters, as was common at the time, were written crossed on the paper, and some were obviously written in a hurry, making them difficult to decipher. The Drakes did not often use punctuation, paragraphs, or capital letters at the beginning of sentences. I have tried to reproduce these idiosyncrasies accurately, thereby maintaining the flavour of expression in the letters by not correcting the spelling and by keeping the punctuation (or lack of it) as it is. I have put in extra spaces, where it was obvious that a sentence has ended, so that the eye gets some respite from the block of text. My study of the Crimean War and those who took part in it, however, assisted greatly in obtaining relative accuracy in my transcriptions.
While transcribing the letters, I realised that they were not only of importance for the family's history, but were also significant for students of the Crimean War, as not much has been written about the history of the Commissariat in that war. John, in his book War and administration: The significance of the Crimean War for the British Army, devotes a 35–page chapter to 'Transport and supply: The Commissariat and Ordnance Departments'. Of this, 18 pages cover the history of the Commissariat, both before and during the Crimean War. 14 He did not, however, give attention to individual Commissariat officers, or on the effect the war had on them and their careers. The British Public Record Office has published a more succinct four–page history of the Commissariat (to 1854), written by Michael Roper, in their Handbook No. 29: The records of the war Office and related departments 1660-1964. 15 Detail of later incarnations of the Commissariat can be found in the chapter on the War Office after 1855. 16 Not many records of the Commissariat's time in Australia survive either. The Archives Authority of New South Wales, in their Guide to the State Archives on the Commissariat, contend that this is due to the fact that many of the department's records were sent to England for “inspection or investigation”, and most were never returned. 17 As I conducted my research in Australia, I could not use the Commissariat records in the Public Records Office (PRO) at Kew, London. [ Now The National Archives (TNA) ]
Some insight into the life of a commissary can be found in two other publications. On the road with Wellington: The life of a war commissary, by August Schaumann, details Schaumann's experiences during the Peninsular War, 1808-1814, 18 and The diaries and letters of G. T. W. B. Boyes Boyes' service in New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land, 1820-1832. 19 Copies of other material, such as William Filder's The Commissariat in the Crimea (1856), E. B. de Fonblanque's Treatise on the administration and organisation of the British Army, with especial reference to finance and supply (1858), and J. Fortescue's The history of the Royal Army Service Corps (1930) were also unavailable to me. 20
Henry and Louisa Drake's documents depict life within the Commissariat during the Crimean War. The only publication, as far as I have been able to ascertain, which deals in some way with the life of a Commissariat officer during that war, is Some records of the life of Stevenson Arthur Blackwood K.C.B. 21 Only a small section of this book, 71 pages out of 563, deals with Blackwood's time in the Crimea. Blackwood was a young Treasury official, who volunteered to go to the Crimea as Acting Deputy–Assistant Commissary–General. 22 This book, though drawing on “his own Letters and Notes”, was “compiled by a friend and edited by his widow”, 23 and therefore falls into the category of secondary source material. I have not been able to locate any other primary source material, other than the Drake family papers, covering the role of the Commissariat in the Crimean War. These papers, therefore, are intrinsically important for the study of the Commissariat in that period.
The absence of personal accounts from Commissariat officers is surprising, since, after the Crimean War, many contemporaries, including soldiers, cavalry men, sutlers, doctors, reporters, or just visitors to the scene of the war, published their accounts of the Crimean experience. A. W. Kinglake, who had visited the Crimea, published a nine–volume treatise, Theinvasion of the Crimea. 24 Others, such as Lieutenant Colonel S. J. G. Calthorpe, 25 Lieutenant Colonel Anthony Sterling, 26 and the indomitable sutler, Mary Seacole, 27 also published their accounts. Sergeant Timothy Gowing regularly went round Lancastrian industrial areas after the war, selling his book, A voice from the ranks, to local office and factory workers. 28 It was in this climate that Drake and members of his family decided to keep his Journal, as well as the letters he and his wife, Louisa, had written from the Crimea. 29 This cache of documents would have been divided and subdivided among descendants, possibly accounting for breaks in continuity, as some kept their share, while others discarded theirs. One can only speculate about whether Drake and Louisa hoped that some day someone would publish their memoirs based on the writings they had kept.
There was obviously a great demand for these first-hand accounts of the war, which even Queen Victoria acknowledged had been “popular beyond belief”. 30 The Victorian public's interest may have been sparked by the regular, and often critical, reports sent back by the first war correspondent, William Howard Russell of The Times. 31 Russell's despatches brought the Crimean War into the living rooms of the British people, much as television brought the Vietnam War into the living rooms of those living over a hundred years later. Through his descriptive prose, the war obtained an immediacy. Russell, moreover, did not recoil from writing the truth about what he saw. He, himself, argued that “although it may be dangerous to communicate facts likely to be of service to the Russians, it is certainly hazardous to conceal the truth from the English people”. 32 The significance of Russell's reports are also made clear by Henry and Louisa Drake in their letters. Even though they were in the thick of things in the Crimea, they both wrote of not always knowing what was going on until they had read the reports in The Times. 33
The Crimean War turned out to be an administrative disaster, as supplies did not get through to the soldiers at the front, leading to many deaths due to starvation and exposure. The Commissariat was heavily implicated in this catastrophe. The war highlighted various other deficiencies in the Army, and these were brought to the attention of the public through the despatches of Russell, and many other correspondents. Questions were asked about promotion in the Army, 34 “aristocratic hauteur” among Army officers, 35 as well as the Commissariat's efficiency. British public opinion therefore demanded change in their armed services after the war. The Crimean War was therefore the catalyst for much change in the British Army. In his book War and administration, Sweetman argues that the real success of the war did not lie in the military successes at Alma, Balaklava, or Inkerman (or the legendary charge of the Light Brigade, as described in Tennyson's well–known poem), but lay in the reorganisation of the Army administration. 36
The Commissariat Department was severely criticised for perceived shortcomings during the Crimean War, both by contemporary and later commentators. Russell at first spoke well of the Commissariat, saying at Malta in March 1854, that “the commissariat is well attended to, and complaints are almost unheard of”. 37 His tone changed rather quickly. The next month he wrote from Gallipoli that “amid the multitude of complaints …, the most prominent are charges against the commissariat”. 38 Dr. Douglas Reid, who joined the Crimean campaign in January 1855, was unimpressed by the appearance of Commissariat officers who travelled with him on board the Clyde to the Crimea. He was of the opinion that they looked “as much like convicts as anything else” and was “not anxious to make their acquaintance”. 39 Lord Palmerston also attacked the character of commissariat officers serving in the Crimea. 40 Latterly the editors of Dr. George Lawson's letters queried the cause of the great loss of life from cold and disease during the winter of 1854–55, asking “Whose fault was it — the Commissariat's?” They added that “the Commissariat was nailed for hopeless inefficiency and wastage”. 41 Even current fiction writers subscribe to the idea that Commissariat officers during the Crimean War were “as dismal a crew as you would ever hope to meet — shifty broken down clerks and arrogant shopboys that no respectable business would employ”. 42 Commissariat officers had the reputation of being “sharp” fellows, who took advantage of every “little” opportunity which came their way. 43 George MacDonald Fraser, author of the popular fictional series on the 19th century coward with humour, Harry Flashman, writes in Flashman at the Charge, of him being dressed “like a common commissary person”, 44 and of “the mismanagement of an untrained commissariat” in the Crimea. 45 Drake's papers will be used to test the validity of these criticisms, and how the ambiguous position of Commissariat officers — both in social class and as civilians in a military sphere affected their work.
In the thesis, I will be examining the role of the Commissariat during the Crimean War through Drake's eyes, and comparing his views to those around him and to those held by latter–day historians. In the absence of other accounts written by Commissariat officers, I believe that Drake offers a new perspective on the role of the Commissariat — that of one of the more senior Commissariat officers in the Crimea at the time — and is therefore relevant to all those who study the history of the Crimean War and the administrative disasters which took place.
A biographical approach, combining the story of Drake's life with that of the Commissariat, seemed the best option for using the sources available to me. As Drake was middle–class, and therefore the kind of person who often escapes attention in biographies, an approach following the “Great Man theory of history” would have been inappropriate. 46 It was also inappropriate to confine the narrative to Drake's public life as this would only reveal part of his character. The “totality” of his life had to be examined, including his relationships with those closest to him, his family. 47 Whereas Drake's experiences in the Commissariat were not typical, they do “convey the feel” of a commissary's life in the Crimea. 48 Understanding Drake's life provides a window into the operations of the Commissariat and the lives of other Commissariat officers. 49 A chronological approach, instead of a thematic approach, was considered the best option for the telling of the story, as it allowed the different themes — of class structures within Victorian society, of how Drake was perceived by those around him, of the relationships Drake had with his family, the operations of the Commissariat, and others — to emerge more clearly. 50
In the first chapter of this thesis there is a brief examination of the history of the British Commissariat Department before the Crimean War of 1854–1856, both in war and in the colonies, as well as an examination of the life and career of William Henry Drake before the Crimean War. In doing so I am not suggesting he was a typical Commissariat official. The second chapter examines the conduct of the Crimean War before the fateful hurricane of 14 November 1854, mainly through the letters and Journal of Drake and through the letters of his wife, Louisa. The third chapter studies the effect this storm had on the Army and the Commissariat, using the same sources, and ends with the close of war. While agreeing with much historical comment and analysis that has gone before, the Drake papers cast new light on the conduct of the Commissariat. The fourth and final chapter examines how Drake's career was affected by his conduct during the Crimean War, as well as the changes wrought to the Commissariat as a result of the war. It concludes with Drake's death, which took place not long after the Commissariat was metamorphosed into the Control Department.
There are a number of appendices to this work, designed to assist the reader by providing background material. The first provides background on the families of Drake and his wives, Louisa Purkis and Elizabeth Lucy Wood. The second consists of an alphabetical database of many of the Commissariat officers who served throughout the world. It can be consulted for information about these officers, and also indicates their locations at different times. The third and fourth appendices contain information, not readily available, on the duties of the Commissariat at various times, and extracts from the reports and evidence of the various Commissions of Inquiry on the Crimea, including Commissary–General Filder's response to the Inquiry of Commissioners McNeill and Tulloch.
The maps used portray the localities of many places not generally known, and the photographs put a face to the people and places mentioned in the text. The photograph of Commissary–General William Filder is, I think, of particular interest, as, despite the crucial role he played in the Crimea, few know what this elusive character looked like. 51
Ultimately, this is the story of one officer of the Commissariat, Drake, who served in the Crimean War, and played a leading role in providing supplies to the British Army in that conflict. The officers of the Commissariat, however, were civilians who were responsible to the Treasury, not to the Army — hence my title, Civilians at War.

1. In a letter to Paul Taylor, dated 14 July 1975, Brig. Alexander Cosby Fishburn Jackson writes: “Through my Aunt Kitty Nevill (one of [Drake's] daughters by his second wife, Elizabeth Wood, my grandmother) I inherited the diary that W. H. Drake wrote when he was the Commissary in Charge at Balaklava Harbour during the Crimean War. …As, no doubt, you are aware that Sir Henry Drake, as he always called himself, according to my mother, eventually became the founder of the British Army Service Corps and was the first Director of Supply and Transport at the War Office in London. As a result, the R.A.S.C. Museum are very anxious to get hold of this diary for their archives. My brother (Philip, who is older than me) has no objection. Have you any views before I decide? There is no hurry but I always fear that documents of this type may get lost, if in private hands.” To my knowledge, Henry's Journal was never deposited with the R.A.S.C. Museum.
2. L. Frost, No place for a nervous lady: Voices from the Australian bush, (Fitzroy, Vic., 1984), p. 4.
3. R. Erickson (comp.), The bicentennial dictionary of Western Australians pre–1829–1888: Vol. II D–J, (Nedlands, WA, 1988), p. 892; R. Erickson (comp.), The bicentennial dictionary of Western Australians pre–1829–1888: Vol. III K–Q, p. 2547. For further detail of William Henry Drake and his family, see Appendix 1.1: Drake Family. For further detail of Louisa Purkis and her family, see Appendix 1.2: Purkis Family.
4. Lucy Frost, Letter (Hobart) to Megan Stevens (Melbourne), (15 April 1998); & References to the Drakes in unpublished sections of Annie Baxter Dawbin's journal, (14 April 1998); R. Erickson (comp.), The bicentennial dictionary of Western Australians pre–1829–1888: Vol. III K–Q, p. 2547.
5. L. Edel, Writing lives: Principia biographica, (New York, 1987), p. 13.
6. Ibid, pp. 33, 41.
7. Leon Edel referred to this struggle for impartiality as the biographer's need to be a “participant–observer”: Ibid, p. 29.
8. Paul Taylor (1924-2001) inherited the letters from his aunt, Amy Goss (née Ayliff) (1886–1974), granddaughter of Drake's daughter, Charlotte Augusta Dring Drake. Paul shared them with his brother, Peter (1923–1975). Their descendants now own them. Over the years they have very generously made the letters available to me, and have been very supportive of my research.
9. William Henry Drake, Journal, (18 May 1855).
10. William Henry Drake, Journal, (26 Sep 1854), (19 June 1856).
11. Brigadier A. C. F. Jackson has since died, on 3 January 2000. He was born 4 December 1903.
12. For further detail of Elizabeth Lucy Wood and her family, see the section on the Drake families.
13. Lieutenant Colonel Philip Sydney Fishburn Jackson (1901-2001), brother of Brigadier A. C. F. Jackson, wrote to me on 4 May 1995, saying: “As you have a full transcript of the diary, there is nothing that you can learn frm [sic] seeing a photocopy of the original.”
14. J. Sweetman, War and administration: The significance of the Crimean War for the British Army, (Edinburgh, 1984).
15. M. Roper, The records of the War Office and related departments 1660–1964, (Kew, Surrey, 1998), pp. 53–9.
16. Ibid, pp. 95–124.
17. Archives Authority of New South Wales, Guide to the State Archives: Record Group NC 11: Commissariat, 1788–1870: Preliminary inventory, (Sydney, 1963), p. 7.
18. A. L. F. Schaumann, On the road with Wellington: The diary of a war commissary, (London, 1999). [Originally published in German in 1924.]
19. P. Chapman (ed.), The diaries and letters of G. T. W. B. Boyes: Vol. I 1820–1832, (Melbourne, 1985).
20. I have since gained access to these documents through the wonder of the Internet.
21. Stevenson Arthur Blackwood (1832-1893): Anon, Some records of the life of Stevenson Arthur Blackwood K.C.B., Pop. ed., (London, 1897).
22. Ibid, p. 39; & Louisa Drake (Balaklava) — Maria Drake (London), (7 December 1855).
23. Anon, Some records of the life of Stevenson Arthur Blackwood K.C.B., Title page & p. [ⅶ].
24. Alexander William Kinglake (1809-1891): Potted biographies: British who–was–who in the Crimea, at, accessed 30 April 2015; C. Hibbert, The destruction of Lord Raglan: A tragedy of the Crimean War, (Harmondsworth, Middlesex, 1961), p. 81; A. W. Kinglake, The invasion of the Crimea: Its origin, and an account of its progress down to the death of Lord Raglan, 6th ed., (Edinburgh, 1877).
25. In 1860 Major Hon. Somerset John Gough Calthorpe, 5th (Princess Charlotte of Wales's) Regiment of Dragoon Guards, had served 9 years on full pay, and 3 years and 4 months on half pay. Cornet (purchase) 23 May 1848, Lt. (purchase) 23 May 1851, Capt. (purchase) 14 Sep 1855, Bt. Major 2 November 1855, Major 22 July 1856. He served the Eastern campaign of 1854–55 as Aide de Camp to Lord Raglan, including the battles of Alma, Balaklava, and Inkerman, and siege of Sebastopol (Medal and four Clasps, Brevet Major, and 5th Class of the Medjidie): H. G. Hart, The New Annual Army List, and Militia List, for 1860, (London, 1860), p. 133; S. J. G. Calthorpe, Cadogan's Crimea, ill. Gen. Sir George Cadogan, (New York, 1980). [Text first published in 1856 under the title Letters from Headquarters.]
26. In 1860 Colonel Anthony Coningham Sterling, C.B. was serving as Military Secretary to the Commander in Chief, East Indies. Ensign 29 January 1826, Lt. 14 April 1829, Capt. 11 October 1839, Major 9 November 1846, Lt.–Col. 20 June 1854, Col. 17 October 1857. He served the Eastern campaign of 1854–55, first as a Brigade–Major and afterwards as Assistant Adjutant–General to the Highland Division, including the battles of the Alma, Balaklava, and Inkerman, and siege of Sebastopol (Medal and Clasps, C.B., Officer of the Legion of Honor, and 4th Class of the Medjidie): H. G. Hart, The New Annual Army List, and Militia List, for 1860, pp. 38, 47g; A. Sterling, The story of the Highland Brigade in the Crimea: Founded on letters written during the years 1854, 1855, and 1856, (Minneapolis, 1995). [First published in London as The Highland Brigade in the Crimea in 1895.]
27. Mary Seacole, Wonderful adventures of Mrs Seacole in many lands, (1857),, accessed 30 April 2015.
28. Timothy Gowing (c1834–1908): K. Fenwick, 'introduction', in T. Gowing, Voice from the ranks: A personal narrative of the Crimean campaign by a Sergeant of the Royal Fusiliers, (London, 1954), p. xiv.
29. Despite Drake's obvious education and his eagerness to express his opinions in his letters and Journal, he was not keen to express these opinions outside the confines of his family. According to The Wellesley index to Victorian periodicals 1824–1900, he, unlike other Victorians of similar character, did not write any articles for publication: The Wellesley index to Victorian periodicals 1824–1900, Vol. 5, J.H. Slingerland (ed.), (Routledge, 1989).
30. E. M. Spiers, The army and society 1815–1914, (London, 1980), p. 97.
31. William Howard Russell (1821–1907), British journalist, born in Ireland. He acted as correspondent for The Times during the Crimean War, and created a sensation by his exposure of the mismanagement of the campaign: The Wordsworth dictionary of biography, (Ware, Herts. 1994), p. 376; P. Knightley, The first casualty: From the Crimea to Vietnam: The war correspondent as hero, propagandist, and myth maker, (London, 1975), p. 4.
32. W. H. Russell, 'Before Sevastopol, Nov. 25', A. Lambert & S. Badsey, The Crimean War: The war correspondents, (Stroud, Gloucestershire, 1994), p. 144.
33. William Henry Drake (Varna) #2 — Louisa Drake (London), (10 August 1854): “All matters are kept profoundly Secret here & you know them generally from the Times as early as we do”: Louisa Drake (Balaklava) ” Maria Drake (London), (1 February 1856): “we have not heard any particulars, and shall not, I suppose till we see it in the Times”; & (29 February 1856): “I very seldom read any papers, but the Illustrated, but am now obliged to become a Times reader, to know the news of the day”.
34. A Regimental Captain, 'Promotion in the Army', The Times, (London, 24 January 1855), p.10:d.
35. The Times, (London, 23 December 1854), p. 9, quoted in E. M. Spiers, The army and society 1815-1914, p. 101.
36. J. Sweetman, War and administration, p. 1.
37. W. H. Russell, 'Malta, March 17', in A. Lambert & S. Badsey, The Crimean War: The war correspondents, p. 17.
38. W. H. Russell, 'Gallipoli, 13 April', in Ibid, p. 20.
39. Douglas A. Reid (1833–1924): D. A. Reid, Soldier–surgeon: The Crimean War letters of Dr. Douglas A. Reid 1855–1856, (Knoxville, Tennessee, 1968), pp. 1, 23, 29.
40. William Henry Drake (Balaklava) #55 – Louisa Drake (London), (12 March 1855).
41. G. Lawson, Surgeon in the Crimea: The experiences of George Lawson recorded in letters to his family 1854–1855, V. Bonham-Carter & M. Lawson (eds.), (London, 1968), pp. 119, 120.
42. M. Knott, The soldier's daughter, (Crimean War Research Society, Bedford, 1996), p. 15.
43. Ibid, p. 19.
44. G.M. Fraser, Flashman at the Charge, (London, 1973), p. 14.
45. Ibid, p. 52.
46. John Rickard argued that the middle–class often escaped attention in historical study: J. Rickard, 'Biography in Australia', in Canberra Historical Journal, September 1986, p. 15; Robert Skidelsky says that the “Great Man theory of history” has been largely rejected by most historians: R. Skidelsky, 'Only connect: Biography and truth', in E. Homberger & J. Charmley (eds.), The troubled face of biography, (Basingstoke, Hampshire, 1988), p. 2.
47. Philip Ziegler, 'Biography: The narrative', in I. Donaldson, et al, Shaping lives: Reflections on biography, (Canberra, 1992), p. 225, 226.
48. E. Homberger & J. Charmley (eds.), The troubled face of biography, p. xi.
49. Philip Ziegler, 'Biography: The narrative', in I. Donaldson, et al, Shaping lives, p. 233.
50. Ibid, p. 230.
51. I am not including the photograph by Roger Fenton of CG William Filder in this document, as I have only paid for permission from the Royal Archives to use it in my thesis. It can be seen at, accessed 29 April 2015.
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